Understanding New Zealand 3: Who Voted Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party in 2020

Many thought that holding a cannabis referendum at the same time as a General Election would lead to a surge in support for the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party. In the end, they only got 13,329 votes, or around 0.5% of the party vote. This chapter explain why a hundred times more people voted for cannabis law reform than for the cannabis party.

It will be surprising for many to hear that there wasn’t much overlap between those who voted ALCP in 2020 and those who cast a special vote for Yes in the cannabis referendum- the correlation between the two groups was 0.23. This was statistically significant, but only barely so, and is much weaker than many other correlations with voting ALCP in 2020.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
No qualifications	0.55
Level 1 certificate	0.55
Level 2 certificate	0.64
Level 3 certificate	0.37
Level 4 certificate	0.53
Level 5 diploma	0.36
Level 6 diploma	-0.56
Bachelor’s degree	-0.56
Honours degree	-0.55
Master’s degree	-0.53
Doctorate	-0.44

The trend here is obvious: the better-educated a person is, the less likely they were to vote ALCP in 2020. This is similar to previous elections. What this trend reveals is that the ALCP is seen as a joke party by the vast majority of the electorate, and people only vote for them if they feel that their vote doesn’t matter.

In this regard, a vote for the ALCP is similar to not voting, in that it follows the General Disenfranchisement Rule. The ALCP is something of a joke party and so, like not voting, it tends to appeal to those who feel that their vote doesn’t matter anyway. We can predict from this that the demographics of ALCP voters are very similar to the demographics of non-voters.

These correlations explain why the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and special voting Yes in the cannabis referendum was only 0.23. The more poorly-educated a person is, the more likely they are to vote ALCP, but the better-educated a person was, the more likely they were to special vote Yes in the cannabis referendum.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
European	-0.08
Maori	0.88
Pacific Islander	-0.05
Asian	-0.53

Indeed, we can see an extremely strong correlation of 0.88 between being Maori and voting ALCP in 2020. Kiwis of European descent and Pacific Islanders were generally neutral about voting ALCP, and Asians were strongly against it. These patterns mirror the numbers of poorly-educated and disenfranchised people among those racial groups.

For many Maori people, the Establishment is implacably opposed to them and so it doesn’t matter who they vote for. This is why so many of them either don’t vote or vote for protest parties like the ALCP. Their high levels of support for the ALCP could be considered a consequence of general disenfranchisement.

However, it isn’t just a protest vote. Maori people are much more heavily affected by cannabis prohibition than other races, on account of that they are much more likely to use it as a recreational alternative to alcohol in comparison to all of whites, Pacific Islanders and Asians. Moreover, the relative insecurity of dwelling suffered by Maori people means that they are more likely to use cannabis in public, and thereby more likely to suffer legal consequences.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
Voting Labour in 2020	-0.27
Voting National in 2020	-0.60
Voting Greens in 2020	-0.23
Voting ACT in 2020	-0.48
Voting New Zealand First in 2020	0.38
Voting New Conservative in 2020	-0.31
Voting The Opportunities Party in 2020	-0.34
Voting Maori Party in 2020	0.81
Voting Advance NZ in 2020	0.68
Voting Sustainable NZ in 2020	-0.41

One pattern immediately leaps out when we look at the correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting for other parties: all of the correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting for one of the four major globalist parties is significantly negative.

The most negative of all was the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting National in 2020: this was -0.60. The ALCP-voting demographics differ from the National-voting demographics in several major ways, as this chapter will discuss.

Some might be surprised to see that the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting Greens in 2020 was -0.23. The ALCP is considered by many to be a Greens-adjacent party, on account of that the cannabis law reform issue has been pushed by the Greens more than by any other party. But the only major quality shared by both Greens and ALCP voters is that they tend to be young.

Those surprised at that will likely also be surprised by the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting New Zealand First in 2020, which was 0.38. This reflects a shared tendency for ALCP and New Zealand First voters to be both Maori and poorly educated.

The heavy Maori support for the ALCP also explains why there are strong correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting Maori Party in 2020 (0.81) or voting Advance NZ in 2020 (0.68).

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
Median income	-0.28
Mean income	-0.26

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
<$5,000	0.01
$5,000-$10,000	0.25
$10,000-$20,000	0.58
$20,000-$30,000	0.33
$30,000-$50,000	0.23
$50,000-$70,000	-0.36
$70,000+	-0.51

Fitting with the general theme of disenfranchisement, ALCP voters are considerably poorer than the average voter. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and median income was -0.28. This is actually wealthier than would be predicted from their education level, but still significantly poorer than the New Zealand average.

The most positive correlation between voting ALCP and belonging to a particular income bracket was the $10,000-$20,000 “beneficiary” bracket, which was 0.58. The most negative correlation between voting ALCP and belonging to a particular income bracket was the $70,000+ bracket, which was -0.51.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
New Zealand-born	0.69

Disenfranchisement is only very rarely imported to New Zealand. The vast majority of people at the bottom of our society are home grown. This may sound strange, especially to those who follow the narrative that being an immigrant automatically makes a person a member of an oppressed group.

The reality is that New Zealand-born people make up the vast bulk of those doing bad, and ALCP voters are often among these.

On the surface, it seems paradoxical to have a situation where highly-educated people voted in favour of cannabis law reform in the referendum, but mostly poorly-educated people voted in favour of the cannabis law reform party at the 2020 General Election.

The explanation is that the ALCP is something of a joke vote for people who aren’t serious. Many people feel that their party vote is worthless anyway, on account of that the Establishment will always win, so they protest by casting a vote for the ALCP. These sentiments did not apply to the cannabis referendum, where many people felt that they had an opportunity to stick it to the Establishment by voting for freedom.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
Living in an urban electorate	-0.39
Living on the North Island	-0.04

ALCP voters are more likely to be rural dwellers than urban ones – the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and living in an urban electorate was . There are several possible reasons for this. The most obvious is the large Maori proportion of ALCP voters, because Maori people tend to live rurally. Another likely reason is that, because cannabis is currently illegal, people who grow it prefer to operate away from high concentrations of potential noticers.

The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and living on the North Island was not only not significant, it was negative. This will surprise those who thought that most ALCP voters are gang members from Hastings and Napier. The truth is that the ALCP gets a lot of votes from hippies and “Dark Green” environmentalists, as well as doomsday preppers, and many of those live in rural South Island.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
No religion	0.29
Is Buddhist	-0.57
Is Christian	-0.35
Is Hindu	-0.41
Is Jew	-0.39
Is Muslim	-0.41
Is follower of a Maori religion	0.72
Is Spiritualist or New Ager	0.35

We can see even more evidence of heavy Maori support for cannabis law reform when looking at the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and being a follower of a Maori religion, which was 0.72. This was much stronger than any other correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and religious affiliation.

The next most positive correlation was the one between voting ALCP in 2020 and being a Spiritualist or New Ager, which was 0.35. The explanation for this is not as obvious as the one for Maori religions, but comes down to the fact that New Agers in particular consider cannabis to be a spiritual sacrament and its prohibition a moral obscenity.

There was also a significant positive correlation of 0.29 between voting ALCP in 2020 and having no religion. This will surprise those who are aware that people with no religion tend to be better-educated than those with a religion, and that ALCP voters tend to be poorly educated. The explanation is that most of the prejudice against cannabis users comes from religious people, who see cannabis use as a rival spiritual practice.

In the case of Christians, this represents a significant antipathy towards cannabis users (see Chapter 11). In the case of the followers of the religions not yet mentioned (particularly Jews), it reflects the fact that the ALCP is a joke party in the minds of many, and followers of Asian religions tend to take their votes seriously.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
Employed full-time	-0.25
Employed part-time	0.12
Unemployed	0.64

Few will be surprised by the strong positive correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and being unemployed – this was 0.64. Unemployment is correlated with many other variables that are themselves correlated with voting ALCP in 2020, such as being young, being Maori or being poorly educated.

The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and being employed part-time will surprise many, on account of that ALCP voters are stereotyped as non-workers. But, as with other disenfranchised demographics, ALCP voters often find themselves working part-time to make ends meet. Many ALCP voters on the Supported Living Payment or the Sole Parent Payment will fall into this category.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
No source of income	-0.06
Earning a wage or salary	-0.00
Being self-employed or owning one’s own business	-0.35
Receiving interest, dividends, rent or other investment income	-0.58
Receiving ACC or private work insurance	0.70
Receiving NZ Super or Veteran’s pension	-0.19
Receiving JobSeeker Support	0.77
Receiving Sole Parent Support	0.77
Receiving Supported Living Payment	0.55
Receiving Student Allowance	0.03

Some might think that, because many ALCP voters are young and because the ALCP is something of a protest party, that many students would support them. This is not the case. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and receiving a Student Allowance was a mere 0.03. This is probably because cannabis law reform is mostly an issue for those doing it tough, and tertiary students tend to be middle-class.

The two least disenfranchised categories of benefit recipients are pensioners and students. This is because pensioners usually own their own homes, and students are usually middle-class and only temporarily poor while they are young. Following from this, neither of the correlations between being either on a pension or on a student allowance and voting ALCP in 2020 were statistically significant.

The strongest correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and any income type were with receiving JobSeeker Support and receiving Sole Parent Support. Both were 0.77. This paints a picture of the ALCP as a party for those who feel excluded by society to some extent, the true protest vote in contrast with Greens and ACT.

Supporting this contention are the strong correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and receiving a Supported Living Payment (0.55) and receiving ACC or private work insurance (0.70). The mentally and physically damaged people in these categories are the ones most likely to have discovered the medicinal properties of cannabis.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
Working as a manager	-0.31
Working as a professional	-0.48
Working as a technician or trades worker	0.21
Working as a community or personal services worker	0.57
Working as a clerical or administrative worker	-0.36
Working as a sales worker	-0.14
Working as a machinery operator or driver	0.37
Working as a labourer	0.59

When examining the occupations of ALCP voters, some patterns are evident that are the reverse of patterns of people who voted Yes in the cannabis referendum. This goes a long way to explain why there was such a weak correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting Yes in the cannabis referendum.

Unlike with voting Yes in the cannabis referendum, the more disenfranchised a demographic is the more likely they were to vote ALCP in 2020. The reasons for this are complex.

Simply put, many disenfranchised General Election voters don’t feel that they have a realistic chance of influencing the election, so they throw their vote to a joke/protest party. On the other hand, voters in the cannabis referendum felt enfranchised, and felt like they did have a realistic chance of influencing the outcome, so they acted more seriously, and voted Yes.

Variable	Voting ALCP in 2020
Working in agriculture, forestry or fishing	0.26
Working in mining	0.20
Working in manufacturing	0.27
Working in electricity, gas, water and wastewater services	0.25
Working in construction	0.36
Working in wholesale trade	-0.34
Working in retail trade	0.02
Working in accommodation or food services	0.02
Working in transport, postal or warehousing	0.35
Working in information media or telecommunications	-0.37
Working in financial or insurance services	-0.45
Working in rental, hiring or real estate services	-0.38
Working in professional, scientific or technical services	-0.49
Working in administrative or support services	0.13
Working in public administration and safety	-0.02
Working in education and training	-0.06
Working in healthcare or social assistance	0.04
Working in arts or recreation services	-0.04

As with occupations, a familiar pattern presents itself with industries. The more enfranchised workers in any given industry tend to be, the less likely they tend to vote ALCP.

The industries peopled by those who usually take their lives seriously don’t vote ALCP often. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and industry was significantly negative in the case of working in professional, scientific or technical services (-0.49), financial or insurance services (-0.45), rental, hiring or real estate services (-0.38), information media or telecommunications (-0.37) or wholesale trade (-0.34).

Industries peopled by those who tend to have less ambition, by contrast, show the opposite pattern. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and industry was significantly positive in the case of working in construction (0.36), transport, postal or warehousing (0.35), manufacturing (0.27), agriculture, forestry or fishing (0.26) or electricity, gas, water and wastewater (0.25).

This lays bare the reality of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party: it’s not seen as a serious Parliamentary option, and so mostly attracts votes from protest voters. This is the reason why most demographics vote very differently when it comes to General Elections on the one hand, and cannabis law reform referendums on the other.

This article is an excerpt from the upcoming 3rd Edition of Understanding New Zealand, by Dan McGlashan and published by VJM Publishing. Understanding New Zealand is the comprehensive guide to the demographics and voting patterns of the New Zealand people.

If you enjoyed reading this essay/article, you can get a compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2019 from Amazon for Kindle or Amazon for CreateSpace (for international readers), or TradeMe (for Kiwis). A compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2018 and the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2017 are also available.

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Why The Mainstream Media Is Obsessed With Trivia

Many people browsing through the NZ mainstream media recently have thought to themselves: “this is absolute crap!” And it is – but not because the editors of the mainstream media are incompetent or stupid. To the contrary, they know precisely what they’re doing.

In order to understand what they’re doing, one must understand the sociological concept of ‘normalisation’.

Although it’s usually denied, a people’s main concerns and desires are not always organically and naturally generated, but are often implanted in their minds by the controllers of the apparatus of propaganda. These controllers consciously decide which ideas they want implanted in the minds of the masses, and then use the apparatus of propaganda to normalise those ideas through repetition.

There are, therefore, understandable and logical reasons why the mainstream media runs thousands of articles and segments about utterly inconsequential issues.

By constantly promoting trivia, the mainstream media normalises the idea that the nation has no pressing concerns; everything is running well, and there’s no cause for any alarm. If journalists can be sent looking for Chris Hipkins’s favourite pie, or tasked to write 2,000 words about the finer points of pineapple lumps, then it’s natural to assume that they have nothing more important to wrote about, and so one shouldn’t complain.

The trivia promoted is usually one of a few common types. Celebrity trivia is the most common of these. Sporting trivia is also very common. Particularly common right now is drama about transgenders and transgender rights, hence the shitstorm over Posie Parker’s planned visit to New Zealand. When transgender rights become boring, the media will move on to some other issue that affects less than 0.5% of the population.

The total effect of pushing all this trivia is the normalisation of the idea that there’s nothing important to complain about, so we should just march happily to work, then back home to watch television and to consume pies and pineapple lumps, before another day of the same, every day for the rest of our lives.

The mainstream media’s normalisation of trivia serves the purposes of the ruling class in two major ways.

The first is by filling the minds of the people with garbage. This is a deliberate strategy to make people unable to come together and build a resistance movement. The more trivia in people’s minds, and the more trivia in their general conversations, the less they can build deep and true bonds of friendship.

To that end, the mainstream media employs the strategy of “flooding the zone”. They produce so much garbage that it floods the social media feeds of people on FaceBook, Twitter, YouTube, TeleGram, Reddit, SnapChat, Discord, InstaGram and anywhere else people gather to discuss current events. Now, no serious person can get talk of revolution started because everyone’s constantly talking about crap.

After a flood of propaganda normalising trivia, anyone who talks about serious political issues now becomes unpopular. Their seriousness makes them abnormal. That abnormality means that people soon get tired of their heavy vibes. When people become normalised to media garbage, they want more and more of it, the same way a daily McDonald’s eater does.

The second is by preventing the discussion of important issues. The ruling class doesn’t want discussion of housing, mental health, wages or child abuse because all of these issues can only realistically be solved by forcing that ruling class to siphon less wealth from the masses. To that end, the more trivia the better.

Any position that suggests that the ruling class might have to change anything about their own actions is forbidden. The only people obliged to change their ways are the plebs, hence all the talk about how individuals (and not corporations) need to cut consumption. Promotion of triviality pulls things down to the most trivial level, that of the individual.

Anyone talking about anything serious is ostracised as a bore or a fanatic. Who cares about mental health? I want to know what Ed Sheeran thinks of New Zealand! Who cares about the labour share of production? I want to hear from the sexual deviant of the week about how everyone is a Nazi! And so it becomes even more difficult to arrange any true resistance to the ruling class.

Job done.

There’s no easy way around this. Apart from becoming the Government ourselves and redirecting Public Interest Journalism Fund money, the easiest way is to become the media ourselves: writing and talking about issues of actual importance to everyday people, and laying out a clear plan by which change can be effected.

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Support For Establishment Parties Is Collapsing All Over The West

A recent VJM Publishing article had noted that support for Australian Establishment parties had fallen heavily since World War Two. Australian dissatisfaction with their rulers has never been higher, and this is not a phenomenon restricted to Australia. Support for the ruling class is collapsing all over the West.

It’s the same in New Zealand: Establishment parties (i.e. Labournational) are losing total support. Labournational scored 75.6% of the total vote in the 2020 General Election, down from 81.3% in 2017. According to recent polling from RoyMorgan, Labournational stands to win as little as 65% of the total vote in this year’s General Election.

In Holland this week, the BBB party came from nowhere to win 15 out of 75 seats in the Dutch Senate. The BBB party was founded in 2019 as a protest movement whose main grievance was globalist-instigated farm shutdowns. The party of the current Prime Minister, Mark Rutte, could only manage ten seats.

Last year, in Sweden, the nationalist Sweden Democrats caused chaos by becoming Sweden’s second-largest party. The negotiations to form the next government created no end of headaches for the Swedish Establishment, which is thoroughly globalist and did not anticipate having to share power with their nationalist enemies.

In Germany, the nationalist AfD is polling at around 15%. In Spain, the Vox Party, which has been labelled “far-right extremists” by the usual suspects, is polling at around 15%, and had been polling around 20% as recently as one year ago. In Finland, the True Finns, a nationalist rural populist movement following a similar model to the Dutch BBB, is polling at around 20%. In Italy, the Brothers of Italy, a nationalist conservative movement, is polling at around 30%.

It’s only in the Anglosphere, where nationalist movements are rapidly infiltrated and destroyed by intelligence services, where no such movement has taken off yet (although nationalist parties won about 10% of the total vote in the last Australian General Election).

The main reason for the rise in support for alternative parties is because of the ongoing collapse of living standards in the Western World.

When society is going well, people don’t feel much need to change anything. When the economy’s growing, and people can pay their bills easily, and they can afford to buy houses and raise families, maintaining the status quo seems like a good idea.

When society is going poorly, and people’s disposable incomes are getting chewed up by inflation, and the average worker can’t afford a home, and the prospect of raising a family looks unachievable even if you can find a decent partner, revolution starts to look tempting.

The collapsing support for the Establishment parties in the West can be seen as a sign of ongoing social collapse. As the knowledge and wisdom that underpins our scientific, industrial and economic power continues to dissipate, dissatisfaction with the ruling class will continue to rise.

Unfortunately for us, some degree of future dissatisfaction is hard-baked into our economies on account of that they’re powered by fossil fuels, which are finite and undergoing depletion. Fossil fuel depletion will eventually lead to inflation on a scale not seen outside of Weimar.

Even if this was not the case – say, if cheap renewable energy was developed and rolled out in short order – the greed of the ruling classes means that the masses will receive less and less of a share of production as time goes on. The wage share will continue to decrease as the ruling class uses its excess wealth to leverage even more wealth out of the masses.

Thus, we can expect that the future will give us more and more dissatisfaction with our ruling classes, as the dumb animal mass that is the voting public takes out its primal frustrations on their surrogate parents in the world’s parliaments. Whether this will lead to any true revolutionary movement remains to be seen, but we can expect that the process will entertain the gods.

What the Establishment really, really doesn’t want is for total support for its two favoured parties to fall below 50%. If this should happen, it raises the possibility of an actual opposition party (i.e. a party not controlled by the Establishment) or coalition taking control. From the point of view of the Establishment, losing control is the same thing as falling into chaos. They will do anything to prevent it.

If support for the Establishment parties falls below 50% in any Western country, and if this leads to a true opposition movement taking control, we can expect the ruling class to throw a once-in-a-century tantrum. Assassinations, terrorist sabotage and fomenting unrest through funding globalist counter-revolutionaries (such as Antifa) are all possible.

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Why The Establishment Pushes Identity Politics

Observers have noticed that conservative forces have thrown themselves whole-heartedly behind the gay pride movement. This seems like a extraordinary change in attitude, considering that conservatives were for so many years the reason that homosexuality was banned. The explanation for this change is actually very simple.

All sections of the ruling class push identity politics in order to distract from class politics.

Politicians don’t really care if men fuck other men up the arse or not. What they care about is maintaining their position at the top of the dominance hierarchy. And the way to do that, as it always has been, is through divide and conquer. Split the masses up and set them against each other: that way, they don’t attack the people above them.

Identity politics, a.k.a. idpol, is the most effective way to divide and conquer. Instead of identifying with their class interests – and viewing the ruling class as their collective enemy – the masses are trained to identify with immutable, natural characteristics, such as race, gender and sexuality, and to hate “bigots” and “racists”. Class concerns are considered less important, and so fall from awareness.

The reason why all differences in economic outcomes between races are considered evidence of racism, and why all differences in economic outcomes between genders are considered evidence of sexism, is because narratives of racism and sexism are essential to divide and conquer the masses. So the ruling class has to whip the masses into hysteria about racial and sexual injustices.

Despite being the leader of a supposedly conservative party, Christopher Luxon can promote homosexuality because he knows that the battle for homosexual acceptance is a distraction from class politics. The more people worry about rights for homosexuals, the less energy they have to worry about rights for the working class. Therefore, promoting this battle serves the interests of the ruling class by weakening their enemies.

Ideally, the population could be manipulated into thinking that politics was all about race, gender and sexuality, and nothing else. Such an outcome would push class concerns to the bottom of the priority list. That way, the ruling class could continue to suck profits, taxes and rents out of the masses without those masses even thinking about coming together to resist.

Cha-ching.

The divide and conquer strategy is sophisticated. The ruling class has to be careful not to campaign for any issue that might inadvertently unite the masses. So they don’t campaign to prevent any actual injustices, like homelessness, the War on Drugs, mental healthcare access or the food inflation resulting from mass money printing in recent years.

Luxon has no interest in promoting cannabis law reform, because cannabis is mostly used by poor people and therefore the issue does not divide the working class as effectively as race, gender and sexuality. The Labour Party doesn’t promote cannabis law reform either, and for the same reason. Neither does the Maori Party, even though almost 80% of Maoris voted for legal cannabis in 2020. Representatives of all of these parties are members of the ruling class first and foremost.

The simple rule is that the ruling class promotes any issue that causes the people to fight and bicker with each other, and ignores any issue that causes the people to unite.

The fact that the working class doesn’t care about the right to fuck a 16-year old boy up the arsehole is precisely why the ruling class promotes pride parades. That way, the ruling class can scream “homophobe!” at anyone who thinks housing or wages are more important issues. Anything to keep the working class at each other’s throats.

And so, the more politicians fight (or pretend to fight) over race, gender and sexuality, the further the working class sinks into the swamp of wage slavery. Never before has more attention been paid to identity politics, and never before has the position of Western workers been worse. These two facts are directly related.

Although most don’t realise it, white people not being allowed to have a white identity is also identity politics. It might be assumed that the promotion of identity politics implies the promotion of a white identity. That is not the case. If every race were allowed to have an identity, we would all know our place and would get along reasonably well.

Maximum division necessitates that white people be denied an identity. This leads to a sense of injustice, which leads to anger. This anger is then directed away from the ruling class by the apparatus of propaganda, which the ruling class controls. This propaganda declares that any white person seeking a white identity is pilloried as a racist or a terrorist.

In summary, the ruling class pushes identity politics to divide and conquer the masses, and to distract from class issues. They have done this ever since the first wave of feminism in the 19th Century. Their efforts intensified after Occupy Wall Street.

The only realistic solution is for a new breed of politicians, who reject identity politics, to rise in the West.

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