They Would Go Back To Chattel Slavery If They Could

A number of wage subsidy scams are being reported right now, usually involving a worker being coerced into working for free or for discounted wages. Many people seem surprised that employers would be so brazen as to take advantage of a struggling person, especially in times when solidarity is needed. The reality is that employers would go back to chattel slavery if it wasn’t against the law.

The typical attitude of an employer in New Zealand is most accurately summarised by the Magic Talk caller known only as “Mark”. Mark called in to say that Kiwis were lazy and that immigrants made much better workers. This contempt for New Zealand workers is shared by most of the ruling class. John Key spoke for this ruling class when he said that we need to import foreign workers because Kiwis are lazy and on drugs.

As any Kiwi who has worked overseas knows, Kiwi workers are highly sought-after specifically because we are not lazy. If we had been lazy, we would never have survived the challenges put before us in our short history, because those challenges demanded that we shape an entire nation out of almost nothing, and we overcame them.

The truth, as is widely understood if not widely admitted, is that workers who are dependent on their employer for a visa will be much more submissive, and will accept much worse treatment, than those who are not dependent. This is why foreign workers are desired in New Zealand and New Zealand workers desired in foreign countries.

The mentality of the average employer, anywhere in the world, hasn’t changed much from 200 years ago. People from the working class are still considered cattle; their suffering is routinely ignored in the pursuit of profit. The mindset of today’s employer is still to put profit first and to discount human suffering, especially if those suffering are poor. It’s little different to the mindset of a cotton plantation owner.

Understanding the psychology of the employer – and, thereby, understanding why our economies are structured the way they are – requires the realisation that the ruling class would rather pay the workers nothing at all. If society was governed by an employers and landowners union, it would happily go back to chattel slavery.

Because the ruling class can’t get away with that, they can only push the worker as close to chattel slavery as the law allows. This is achieved by taking away as much of their productivity as legally possible. And so, most of the productivity of every worker is taken from them by the three lions of profits, taxes and rents.

The employer in a capitalist system is obsessed with profit. Profit is a matter of maximising incomes and minimising expenses, and the major expense is usually labour. It’s not cheap to get a person to work on your plantation all day when they’d rather be at home taking care of their family and community. So employers usually have to pay big. This has conditioned them to seek out any and all opportunity to maximise their access to cheap labour.

It can be said that cheap labour makes the world go around.

One of the first things that Brazil did after coming into existence was to import slaves – some 5 million were brought to Brazil before 1866, mostly to farm sugar cane. America, likewise, didn’t wait long before importing African slaves of their own. Even though only 300,000 were brought to the United States, it was enough to significantly depress wages in the Deep South. Much of colonial South and Central America operated on the slave plantation model pioneered by the Portuguese.

Australia and New Zealand never operated on this model. The Anzac ruling classes, however, have always been subject to the same temptations as the other colonial ruling classes. The temptation to maximise profit by minimising the cost of labour has always been present, sometimes intensely. We can see this from the fact that the Western ruling class have pushed the workers as close to slavery as possible without calling it slavery.

Rather than import slaves, and maintain them at the employer’s own expense on their plantations, it’s easier for those employers to import foreign cheap labour, and dump them into working-class neighbourhoods to fend for themselves. This is not only as profitable as chattel slavery, but it outsources the mental labour of arranging to feed, clothe and house the workers back to the workers themselves.

The importation and then naturalisation of cheap labour externalises the cost of diversity onto wider society, while keeping all the profits for the employer. The major negative consequence of diversity is lower wages. This occurs because diversity makes it more difficult for the working class to present the united front necessary to force the employer class to share the productivity of the workers.

The net result of 70 years of the mass importation of cheap labour: our wages have fallen so far that the average worker has no hope of owning their own home. The mainstream media screams ‘Racist!’ at anyone who draws the connection, but even high-school economics students understand that an oversupply of cheap labour will inevitably crash the price of working-class wages.

In 1992, the average Kiwi could buy the average house after about 7,000 hours of labour at the average wage. Today, so much of the average Kiwi’s productivity is sucked away in profits, taxes and rents that it takes over 25,000 hours of labour at the average wage to buy the average house. Vast numbers have completely given up hope. It’s already becoming the case that people are working just to stay alive, and some have to borrow money just to be able to do that!

All this was made possible by the working class getting pushed, closer and closer, over several decades, towards chattel slavery.

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Rhodesia: Where New Zealand Is Headed

There exists a globalist plan to destroy New Zealand, and that plan is being executed on multiple fronts as this piece is being written. The plan is not unique to New Zealand (although some details are), and New Zealand is far from the first target. The globalist plan is to do to New Zealand what they once did to Rhodesia.

Had Marxists not destroyed Rhodesia, it would in all likelihood have become the first First World African country. In the mid 1970s, whites were some 8% of the population and as wealthy as Americans. The campaign to destroy it, led by Judeo-Communists like Joe Slovo, was launched for real in the 1960s, but was in fact a continuation of Communist efforts, best understood in the context of the Cold War.

As elsewhere, this campaign of destruction was externally financed by globalist interests, and its propaganda component involved the relentless demonisation of white settlers as colonial invaders, thieves and butchers. By stirring up anger and resentment among the black population, these globalist interests succeeded in first paralysing the country’s economy and then ethnically cleansing the whites.

In the mid 1970s, there were over 300,000 white Rhodesians; by today, there are fewer than 30,000. The white Rhodesian population has effectively been wiped out. The GDP per capita of Zimbabwe is now lower than in hellholes like Congo, Sudan and Syria. The globalist Eye of Sauron has then turned to South Africa, with similar results that are still ongoing.

Now that Rhodesia is gone and South Africa all but destroyed, the attention of the Marxists will turn to New Zealand. There’s only one thing Communists hate more than wealth: wealth produced by white colonials. New Zealand, like Rhodesia and South Africa, was desperately poor before white people settled it, and soon became wealthy. Its very existence is therefore regarded by Communists as a testament to white supremacy.

As far as those Communists are concerned, New Zealand delenda est.

The plot to destroy Rhodesia centred around Robert Mugabe. The plot to destroy New Zealand has no Mugabe as yet, but it has a likely candidate in Rawiri Waititi. Like Mugabe, Waititi gets his support chiefly from Brown Communists. Also like Mugabe, his modus operandi is to incite this racial proletariat into a frothing rage seeking revenge, and then to graciously accept some kind of donation from the Establishment in exchange for calling the dogs off.

Debbie Ngahere-Packer, Willie Jackson and Marama Davidson are all further examples of this established pattern of well-funded anti-white race grifters being pushed to the exclusion of more reasonable people. The globalist Marxist interests that want to destroy New Zealand plan to empower these grifters, primarily through platforming them in the mainstream media (which is owned by international banking and finance interests).

These race-baiters will then use their access to this audience to spew hate, weakening the chances of national co-operation.

The plan is to set the white and Maori populations against each other, like the white and black populations were set against each other in Africa. To this end, globalist interests are funding (and will continue to fund) a propaganda campaign designed to stir up resentment between the two populations. This propaganda campaign will have two prongs.

The first is stirring up Maori resentment. This is primarily achieved through blasting them with an ‘us and them’ narrative that claims all land in New Zealand is stolen, and that Maoris never benefitted in any way from white settlement. This narrative also suggests that ‘revenge oppression’ is entirely justified – that it’s fair to discriminate against white people for any arbitrary reason, because doing so rebalances the scales of historical oppression.

As in Rhodesia, popularising such narratives will mostly be achieved by external funding of malcontents like Waititi, Jackson et al., who will then incite hate among their followers. The globalists will prominently feature these malcontents and their slimy rhetoric in the mainstream media, leading other Maoris to adopt race consciousness and to abandon class consciousness.

The second is stirring up white resentment by relentlessly screaming ‘Racist!’ at them. If white people ever complain about Government largesse going to middle-class Maoris instead of to working-class white people, the mainstream media will howl them down with cries of racism. The narrative is that working-class whites have to suffer for the historical crimes of their ruling classes. If they don’t accept this, they’re racist.

This will split the white population down the centre, between a working-class half that struggles without any help, and a middle-class half that doesn’t give a shit. So, rather than focussing on the bigger picture, the working-class whites give into despair while the middle-class ones drift off into a haze of mindless consumerism akin to an opium session.

The net result of these two prongs is that Maoris and whites, instead of seeing each other as the yin and the yang of a healthy nation (as per Esoteric Aotearoanism), see each other as the enemy. This makes supraracial organisation impossible. Maoris may organise as the Maori Party, and whites may not organise at all. The country is left crippled.

With resistance neutralised, the globalists can then swoop in and sweep the whites out. This was the plan used to destroy Rhodesia, it is the plan being used to destroy South Africa, and it will be the plan used to destroy New Zealand.

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Generation Ruthanasia

Many Kiwis were shocked by a video circulating this week depicting a mass brawl at Te Aro Park in Wellington. The scene made it appear like public violence is now just part of everyday life in New Zealand. The nihilism reflects the rotten state of our economy – a rot that began with the Fourth Labour Government’s introduction of neoliberalism.

Neoliberalism came to New Zealand under the friendly name ‘Rogernomics‘. The Fourth Labour Government, following the trends established by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher overseas, adopted a number of neoliberal measures that would supposedly increase New Zealand’s economic performance. To some extent, they did. The real suffering didn’t begin until after Labour’s 1990 election defeat.

The Finance Minister of the Fourth National Government, Ruth Richardson, took the scythe to New Zealand’s poor with the 1991 Budget. The combination of the $14/week cut to the unemployment benefit, the $27/week cut to the sickness benefit, the $25 to $27/week cut to the families benefit and the abolition of universal payments for family benefits was a kick in the guts to those already at the bottom of society.

The act was dubbed ‘Ruthanasia’. In the same way that a useless old person is put to death with euthanasia, the useless lower classes were put to death with Ruthanasia. The narrative from the media was that beneficiaries were lazy, thieving scum anyway, and cutting their benefits should motivate them to get off their arses and into work. If not, they could die, it would be just as good.

The measures were particularly brutal to solo mothers, who found themselves $40/week or more worse off. The idea was that solo mothers were society’s filth, and in breeding outside of a stable marriage they were responsible for all of society’s ills, and needed to be punished for it. Their children were surplus to economic requirements, and therefore should be made to understand that they were not needed or wanted.

To a major extent, this strategy succeeded. Today, New Zealand’s youth suicide rates are the second-highest in the developed world. Every year, 14.9 out of every 100,000 Kiwi adolescents decide permanently that their life isn’t worth living. The vast majority of those are from the poorer classes. This is a direct consequence of the fact that the abuse and neglect of New Zealand’s poor was normalised by Ruthanasia.

However, the children that Ruth Richardson threw to the wolves in 1991 mostly survived.

Some are now the ironhearted gang leaders who hold the loyalties of other violent young men. Winning the favour of such hard men may have been the reason for the fight in the video link in the first paragraph. Such mindless aggression might sound barbaric, but that’s the reality for young men in Clown World.

The children born into beneficiary families between 1980 and 1995 are now Generation Ruthanasia. Many of these children killed themselves as adolescents. Many more turned their hatred outwards and mutilated others. Too many of them are missing some of the part of the mind that allows humans to feel empathy with other living beings.

This absence of empathy is an inevitable consequence of the way they themselves were treated – as before, so after. Yet therein lies a great danger for New Zealand society over the next couple of decades.

Generation Ruthanasia might be outnumbered by people who were raised well, but they are still numerous enough to have a significant influence upon the nature of our society and upon the minds and the values of the following generations. It is their nihilistic cynicism that one sees expressed in the gang brawls at Te Aro Park this week, and in other places.

The now-adult men of Generation Ruthanasia don’t know how to love, neither themselves nor others. The loving parts of the mind and heart have long since been closed off for only bringing sorrow. But these men are already old enough so that the next generation looks up to them. As such, there’s a risk that their absence of empathy becomes normalised.

The natural, logical realisation that went through the minds of Generation Ruthanasia as children is that human life is without value. If children are worth so little that it’s fair to withhold money from their parents so that those children can’t eat, then what does have value? Certainly not this society. This logic is why the savagery of the gang lifestyle is no longer enough to scare everyone away.

This way of thinking is not dissimilar from that of the generations raised in places like inner-city America and Brazil – and that’s what New Zealand is now on track to become like, if the process of social decay is not arrested. But solving the problems posed by this cohort of severely mentally and spiritually damaged people will take decades.

The least part of any effective solution will be a massive financial investment – one large enough to reset the mental health situation. A universal basic income, to give people time to mentally recover, might be necessary here. Any government refusing to consider such measures would do well to bear in mind Machiavelli’s maxim that “If an injury has to be done to a man it should be so severe that his vengeance need not be feared.”

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Reflections On 30 Years As A Black Caps Supporter

I’ve been supporting the Black Caps since they were known as the Young Guns. My first memory was being told to watch an ODI against Australia in Adelaide, as the tour was expected to be the swansong of our greatest ever cricketer, Sir Richard Hadlee. But watching cricket didn’t interest me until I learned to play it at school, and understood what it was about.

The first match I ever really followed was by fluke: the ODI against Australia in Hobart, 1990. I happened to be alone in a room with a television and that was the most interesting show on the three channels. The drama of the match captivated me. I realised that Chris Pringle was like me, only greater. Like many who saw that match, I started wearing zinc sunblock.

The first series I really enjoyed was the England tour to here in 1990/91. The second ODI taught me to enjoy cricket from a moral angle. England were chasing, and seven wickets down but looking good for a win, when their No. 9 – Martin Bicknell – was run out by a metre but not given. In the age before television umpires, such outrages were common. That New Zealand went on to win seemed righteous, as if the cricketing gods understood justice.

The 1992 World Cup got me hooked. The opening match, against the defending champion Australian team, was fascinating. The hurry to beat Zimbabwe before rain stopped play, Mark Greatbatch slamming Curtly Ambrose over cover for six and the easy win over nemesis England were also highlights. It seemed then that our time would soon come, and we would soon be world champions somehow.

It was tough to be a Black Caps supporter in the years after that. The Centennial Season of 1995 was launched with much fanfare, but the results on the field were brutal. Getting bowled out for 146 in a home ODI against the West Indies, then losing by nine wickets, seemed like a low point at the time. Worse followed a few weeks later – losing by an innings and 322 runs, again at home to the West Indies.

The kids joking at school were just as brutal. Murphy Su’a took 0-179 in the Test loss – the joke was that “Su’a bowled like a sewer: he sprayed shit everywhere”. Sometimes it felt that I personally could have improved the side. These feelings were especially strong after I stopped trying to bowl like Wasim Akram and started trying to bowl like Glenn McGrath.

At high school I was told that Test match cricket was always going to be a bridge too far for New Zealand. Unlike ODI cricket, Test cricket required specialists, which required depth, which required a big population. Aussie managed it by having a population five times ours for who cricket was the No. 1 sport. New Zealand cricket, I was told, would always be populated by athletes who couldn’t cut it in rugby. As such, we would get the odd ODI win against the bigger teams but would never be a legitimate Test cricket force.

By the turn of the century I had observed that the team was making a transition from talented amateurs to actual professionals. This had begun under Australian coach Steve Rixon. He had inherited a team considered by many to be “the laughing stock of New Zealand sport“. His efforts to bring the Black Caps into the modern day resulted in a good showing at the 1999 World Cup, as well as beating England in a Test series in England.

Shane Bond gave us an idea of what a fully professional side might look like. On several occasions, he more or less won the game by himself, such as the ten-wicket ODI win against Australia in 2007. Bond wasn’t just some jock who happened to be good at cricket – he had a fully professional mind that he happened to apply to fast bowling. He had a plan for every batsman and executed it with extreme speed and precision.

Apart from Bond and a few others, the Black Caps remained frustratingly mediocre through the first decade of the 2000s. Rixon may have professionalised the national coaching setup, but the players coming through were still mostly the products of an amateur mindset.

The arrival of Ross Taylor changed a lot. Taylor was the first player to be professional right down to the soul. More than anyone else before him, it seemed like Taylor really cared about the team as a team. Losses were borne with more sorrow than before; wins were savoured with more appreciation than before. This emotional investment resulted in a change of attitude.

The 2011 World Cup semifinal win reflected this spiritual change, in particular the freak occurence of Hashim Amla being dismissed after chopping a cut onto his own boot, which then popped up and was caught. The Black Caps went on to do what they often did in those years: post a low total, yet manage to strangle the opposition out for less. It felt like this heralded the beginning of true self-belief.

People talk about the 45 all out in Cape Town in 2013 as if it was merely another milestone in an established tradition of crapness. From my perspective, it was an aberration in an established trend of improvement. McCullum’s captaincy had brought with it a change of mindset, seen already in the drawn Sri Lanka series. The Cape Town debacle was just a roadbump.

The tour of the United Arab Emirates in 2014 (to play Pakistan) was the first series, in my estimation, to hint at what a fully professional side might look like. The difference could be seen in the pressure exerted. Opposition batsmen were no longer able to simply wait for the bad ball. It was during this tour that I became a Matt Henry fan, which paid handsome returns in coming years.

Henry’s example was a microcosm of wider systemic changes. For the first time, Black Caps bowlers were good from when they joined the team. Lockie Ferguson and Kyle Jamieson were further examples of this phenomenon.

From 2015 onwards it has been a great time to be a Black Caps fan. We seem to get the best out of all players. Even when Henry Nicholls was playing scratchy innings at No. 5, I knew he would come good, as I wrote about here. Nicholls has gone on to average 50 with the bat in Tests since the start of March 2018, when that article was written.

Faith in the Black Caps rarely paid off in the mid-90s, but pays off readily now. The Black Caps under Williamson are about as good as the All Blacks under Richie McCaw when it comes to turning losing positions into winning ones. Even when they lose, it seldom feels like they played poorly.

The 2019 World Cup failure brought back those nagging doubts about New Zealand being too small to ever produce a champion team. It wasn’t that the team wasn’t currently good enough – I knew they were – it was that the coincidence of so many good players seemed like our golden generation, something that may never be replicated.

The World Test Championship final was, therefore, the highlight of my 30 years as a Black Caps fan. I watched almost every ball, drinking so much coffee to stay awake on the final day that I was sick the next. Never in 30 years has a Black Caps Test side displayed such sustained and excellent bowling. The batting was almost as good.

I expect this current golden age to last as long as Kane Williamson is the captain. The hope will be that this Black Caps generation compares well historically, but not to other Black Caps sides, for those have all long since been surpassed. The comparison will be to Clive Lloyd’s West Indies and Ricky Ponting’s Australia as one of the greatest Test sides ever.

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