Does New Zealand Need A Sadhu System?

New Zealand is currently beset with the question of crime and punishment. The country appears torn between two failed approaches to justice: excessive softness and excessive hardness. Swinging back and forth between the two has led to great dissatisfaction with the Justice System and even talk of vigilante group formation.

Our attitude to justice reflects our moral confusion in the face of what has previously been called the Clown World Fork. Our basic morality is torn between two polar opposites: a wretched, pitiful, Christian doctrine of infinite forgiveness, and a sadistic, paranoid, bestial doctrine of utter destruction. Not having rational balance in our moral philosophy, we also don’t have it in our Justice System.

This has led us to a situation where gang member rapists get lighter sentences than people selling food without a licence. Outcomes like this are possible because we no longer have a shared sense of moral philosophy. There is no longer an agreed scale of heinousness, such that different crimes can be readily apportioned a length of punishment.

It’s time for a moral reset.

It’s time to admit that both Christianity and atheism are dead, and that neither are useful as moral philosophies any more. This means that it’s time to start experimenting with new philosophies. It’s obvious that some kind of new balance needs to be struck, between mercy and severity, for actual justice to be done.

In India there exists something that could be described as the sadhu system. In the sadhu system, criminals can repent by living a low-consumption lifestyle with a view to burning off accrued karmic debt, instead of going to prison. It’s a form of public repentance that New Zealand has no equivalent to. Perhaps we could benefit from one?

A New Zealand equivalent of the sadhu system would involve certain criminals, upon pleading guilty to a crime, to agree to forfeit the right to own property for a set period of time. In exchange, their basic food, clothing and shelter needs are met by the state, and they don’t go to prison or to home detention.

The logic is that many crimes, especially ones of property and violence, are ultimately motivated by egotism, and egotism is ultimately caused by a lack of spirituality. In other words, only a non-spiritual person would become so attached to the material world that they thought it was worth committing crimes to advance oneself here.

In the case of some criminals, dilemmas abound. Some are too dangerous to be allowed to roam the street, but at the same time there may be numerous downsides to sending them to prison. It’s apparent that a third approach is necessary.

This article suggests that certain criminals be offered the choice of prison or becoming part of a new, experimental sadhu system based on the Hindu model. This would entail that the criminal forfeit their right to own property or to accumulate wealth for a certain period of time, in exchange for agreeing to live as a spiritual penitent.

Indian sadhus use a lot of cannabis, which is known to be a spiritual sacrament that induces detachment from the material world. New Zealand sadhus could be given as much cannabis as they feel they need in order to develop beyond their innate clinging to the material world.

New Zealand doesn’t have many Hindu temples, so any introduction of a sadhu system might depend on the previous establishment of a national religion that can accommodate penitents. This might involve a new religion for the Age of Aquarius, such as Elementalism or similar. Perhaps funding could be directed to the construction of an Elementalist temple in every New Zealand town.

Elementalist temples in every town would mean that sadhus could travel as wandering ascetics from town to town, staying at the various temples and hanging out smoking cannabis with the Elementalist priests. These priests, trained in true psychology and not mere huckstering, will be able to help heal the souls of the various sadhus.

The advantages of such a system are many. For one, the Elementalist priests would serve as a kind of psychiatric service to the sadhus, helping them understand their place, and the place of humanity, in the grand scheme of creation. They would explain the laws of karma and the possible reasons for a lowly birth in this life.

The inevitable, knee-jerk reaction to this idea on the part of many is to bemoan the low productivity of the sadhus. But productivity and consumption go hand-in-hand. If we’re going to make a genuine effort to prevent the destruction of the Earth’s climate, we need to encourage people to live low-consumption lifestyles whenever possible.

A sadhu system could provide a neat and voluntary alternative path to rehabilitate criminals. We’re tried breaking them into submission and we’ve tried treating them like children – both approaches failed. Let’s try the spiritual approach, wherein we incentivise the criminally-minded to abandon the material world and to work on eliminating karmic debt.

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The Spiritual Use Of Cannabis Throughout History

The use of cannabis in human history as a spiritual tool dates back thousands of years. In many cultures, the plant has been considered sacred and has held a significant place in religious practices. Despite its controversial status in today’s society, cannabis was once regarded as a holy sacrament, offering those who consumed it a gateway to higher spiritual states.

Cannabis has been used in various forms throughout history. Its earliest recorded uses date back to ancient China and India. In China, the plant was considered one of the “50 fundamental herbs” and was used extensively in traditional medicine. In India, cannabis was considered sacred under the name “bhang”, and it was considered an essential element of Indian religious practices.

In Hinduism, Lord Shiva is often depicted holding a “chillum”, a clay pipe used to smoke cannabis. It is believed that Shiva would consume cannabis before meditating, as it helped to quiet his mind and achieve a heightened state of consciousness.

Similarly, in the Elementalist religion, cannabis, or “ganja”, holds a central role in their spiritual practices. Elementalists believe that the plant is a sacrament, given to them by God, to promote relaxation, calmness, and increase spiritual awareness. They use it as an aid in meditation and prayer, to gain insight into their relationship with the divine and to connect with their inner selves.

Native American tribes also incorporated the use of cannabis in their spiritual rituals. The Lakota tribe, for example, used cannabis as part of their vision quests. During these quests, individuals would consume cannabis to enter a trance-like state and seek guidance from the spirit world.

In addition to spiritual practices, cannabis has played a crucial role in modern religions such as Elementalism and the Church of the Universe. These religions view cannabis as a means of connecting with the divine and achieving a higher state of consciousness.

The spiritual use of cannabis is not limited to religious practices. It has also been used as a tool for self-exploration and personal growth. Many individuals who consume cannabis report experiencing feelings of euphoria, a sense of connectedness with the universe, and heightened creativity. These experiences often lead individuals to question their place in the world and their relationship with the divine.

However, it is important to note that the spiritual use of cannabis is not without controversy. Some argue that the plant’s psychoactive properties can lead to abuse and addiction, ultimately hindering an individual’s spiritual development through creating an attachment to the material world.

Despite these criticisms, the spiritual use of cannabis persists among many individuals and religious communities around the world. In recent years, there has been a growing movement to legalise cannabis, driven in part by those who view its use as a spiritual right.

This movement has gained momentum as more individuals and communities have begun to recognize the therapeutic benefits of cannabis. The plant is now used to treat a variety of medical conditions such as chronic pain, epilepsy, and anxiety. As more research is conducted on its potential as a therapeutic tool, it is possible that the spiritual use of cannabis will become more widely accepted and recognized.

In conclusion, the spiritual use of cannabis in human history is a complex topic. For many cultures and religions, cannabis was considered a sacred plant capable of promoting spiritual growth and personal development. Although it is mostly prohibited today, many millions still use it to gain spiritual insight.

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Vince McLeod is the author of The Case For Cannabis Law Reform, the comprehensive collection of arguments for ending cannabis prohibition.

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Understanding New Zealand 3: Who Voted Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party in 2020

Many thought that holding a cannabis referendum at the same time as a General Election would lead to a surge in support for the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party. In the end, they only got 13,329 votes, or around 0.5% of the party vote. This chapter explain why a hundred times more people voted for cannabis law reform than for the cannabis party.

It will be surprising for many to hear that there wasn’t much overlap between those who voted ALCP in 2020 and those who cast a special vote for Yes in the cannabis referendum- the correlation between the two groups was 0.23. This was statistically significant, but only barely so, and is much weaker than many other correlations with voting ALCP in 2020.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
No qualifications0.55
Level 1 certificate0.55
Level 2 certificate0.64
Level 3 certificate0.37
Level 4 certificate0.53
Level 5 diploma0.36
Level 6 diploma-0.56
Bachelor’s degree-0.56
Honours degree-0.55
Master’s degree-0.53
Doctorate-0.44

The trend here is obvious: the better-educated a person is, the less likely they were to vote ALCP in 2020. This is similar to previous elections. What this trend reveals is that the ALCP is seen as a joke party by the vast majority of the electorate, and people only vote for them if they feel that their vote doesn’t matter.

In this regard, a vote for the ALCP is similar to not voting, in that it follows the General Disenfranchisement Rule. The ALCP is something of a joke party and so, like not voting, it tends to appeal to those who feel that their vote doesn’t matter anyway. We can predict from this that the demographics of ALCP voters are very similar to the demographics of non-voters.

These correlations explain why the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and special voting Yes in the cannabis referendum was only 0.23. The more poorly-educated a person is, the more likely they are to vote ALCP, but the better-educated a person was, the more likely they were to special vote Yes in the cannabis referendum.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
European-0.08
Maori0.88
Pacific Islander-0.05
Asian-0.53

Indeed, we can see an extremely strong correlation of 0.88 between being Maori and voting ALCP in 2020. Kiwis of European descent and Pacific Islanders were generally neutral about voting ALCP, and Asians were strongly against it. These patterns mirror the numbers of poorly-educated and disenfranchised people among those racial groups.

For many Maori people, the Establishment is implacably opposed to them and so it doesn’t matter who they vote for. This is why so many of them either don’t vote or vote for protest parties like the ALCP. Their high levels of support for the ALCP could be considered a consequence of general disenfranchisement.

However, it isn’t just a protest vote. Maori people are much more heavily affected by cannabis prohibition than other races, on account of that they are much more likely to use it as a recreational alternative to alcohol in comparison to all of whites, Pacific Islanders and Asians. Moreover, the relative insecurity of dwelling suffered by Maori people means that they are more likely to use cannabis in public, and thereby more likely to suffer legal consequences.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
Voting Labour in 2020-0.27
Voting National in 2020-0.60
Voting Greens in 2020-0.23
Voting ACT in 2020-0.48
Voting New Zealand First in 20200.38
Voting New Conservative in 2020-0.31
Voting The Opportunities Party in 2020-0.34
Voting Maori Party in 20200.81
Voting Advance NZ in 20200.68
Voting Sustainable NZ in 2020-0.41

One pattern immediately leaps out when we look at the correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting for other parties: all of the correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting for one of the four major globalist parties is significantly negative.

The most negative of all was the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting National in 2020: this was -0.60. The ALCP-voting demographics differ from the National-voting demographics in several major ways, as this chapter will discuss.

Some might be surprised to see that the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting Greens in 2020 was -0.23. The ALCP is considered by many to be a Greens-adjacent party, on account of that the cannabis law reform issue has been pushed by the Greens more than by any other party. But the only major quality shared by both Greens and ALCP voters is that they tend to be young.

Those surprised at that will likely also be surprised by the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting New Zealand First in 2020, which was 0.38. This reflects a shared tendency for ALCP and New Zealand First voters to be both Maori and poorly educated.

The heavy Maori support for the ALCP also explains why there are strong correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting Maori Party in 2020 (0.81) or voting Advance NZ in 2020 (0.68).

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
Median income-0.28
Mean income-0.26
VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
<$5,0000.01
$5,000-$10,0000.25
$10,000-$20,0000.58
$20,000-$30,0000.33
$30,000-$50,0000.23
$50,000-$70,000-0.36
$70,000+-0.51

Fitting with the general theme of disenfranchisement, ALCP voters are considerably poorer than the average voter. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and median income was -0.28. This is actually wealthier than would be predicted from their education level, but still significantly poorer than the New Zealand average.

The most positive correlation between voting ALCP and belonging to a particular income bracket was the $10,000-$20,000 “beneficiary” bracket, which was 0.58. The most negative correlation between voting ALCP and belonging to a particular income bracket was the $70,000+ bracket, which was -0.51.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
New Zealand-born0.69

Disenfranchisement is only very rarely imported to New Zealand. The vast majority of people at the bottom of our society are home grown. This may sound strange, especially to those who follow the narrative that being an immigrant automatically makes a person a member of an oppressed group.

The reality is that New Zealand-born people make up the vast bulk of those doing bad, and ALCP voters are often among these.

On the surface, it seems paradoxical to have a situation where highly-educated people voted in favour of cannabis law reform in the referendum, but mostly poorly-educated people voted in favour of the cannabis law reform party at the 2020 General Election.

The explanation is that the ALCP is something of a joke vote for people who aren’t serious. Many people feel that their party vote is worthless anyway, on account of that the Establishment will always win, so they protest by casting a vote for the ALCP. These sentiments did not apply to the cannabis referendum, where many people felt that they had an opportunity to stick it to the Establishment by voting for freedom.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
Living in an urban electorate-0.39
Living on the North Island-0.04

ALCP voters are more likely to be rural dwellers than urban ones – the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and living in an urban electorate was . There are several possible reasons for this. The most obvious is the large Maori proportion of ALCP voters, because Maori people tend to live rurally. Another likely reason is that, because cannabis is currently illegal, people who grow it prefer to operate away from high concentrations of potential noticers.

The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and living on the North Island was not only not significant, it was negative. This will surprise those who thought that most ALCP voters are gang members from Hastings and Napier. The truth is that the ALCP gets a lot of votes from hippies and “Dark Green” environmentalists, as well as doomsday preppers, and many of those live in rural South Island.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
No religion0.29
Is Buddhist-0.57
Is Christian-0.35
Is Hindu-0.41
Is Jew-0.39
Is Muslim-0.41
Is follower of a Maori religion0.72
Is Spiritualist or New Ager0.35

We can see even more evidence of heavy Maori support for cannabis law reform when looking at the correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and being a follower of a Maori religion, which was 0.72. This was much stronger than any other correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and religious affiliation.

The next most positive correlation was the one between voting ALCP in 2020 and being a Spiritualist or New Ager, which was 0.35. The explanation for this is not as obvious as the one for Maori religions, but comes down to the fact that New Agers in particular consider cannabis to be a spiritual sacrament and its prohibition a moral obscenity.

There was also a significant positive correlation of 0.29 between voting ALCP in 2020 and having no religion. This will surprise those who are aware that people with no religion tend to be better-educated than those with a religion, and that ALCP voters tend to be poorly educated. The explanation is that most of the prejudice against cannabis users comes from religious people, who see cannabis use as a rival spiritual practice.

In the case of Christians, this represents a significant antipathy towards cannabis users (see Chapter 11). In the case of the followers of the religions not yet mentioned (particularly Jews), it reflects the fact that the ALCP is a joke party in the minds of many, and followers of Asian religions tend to take their votes seriously.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
Employed full-time-0.25
Employed part-time0.12
Unemployed0.64

Few will be surprised by the strong positive correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and being unemployed – this was 0.64. Unemployment is correlated with many other variables that are themselves correlated with voting ALCP in 2020, such as being young, being Maori or being poorly educated.

The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and being employed part-time will surprise many, on account of that ALCP voters are stereotyped as non-workers. But, as with other disenfranchised demographics, ALCP voters often find themselves working part-time to make ends meet. Many ALCP voters on the Supported Living Payment or the Sole Parent Payment will fall into this category.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
No source of income-0.06
Earning a wage or salary-0.00
Being self-employed or owning one’s own business-0.35
Receiving interest, dividends, rent or other investment income-0.58
Receiving ACC or private work insurance0.70
Receiving NZ Super or Veteran’s pension-0.19
Receiving JobSeeker Support0.77
Receiving Sole Parent Support0.77
Receiving Supported Living Payment0.55
Receiving Student Allowance0.03

Some might think that, because many ALCP voters are young and because the ALCP is something of a protest party, that many students would support them. This is not the case. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and receiving a Student Allowance was a mere 0.03. This is probably because cannabis law reform is mostly an issue for those doing it tough, and tertiary students tend to be middle-class.

The two least disenfranchised categories of benefit recipients are pensioners and students. This is because pensioners usually own their own homes, and students are usually middle-class and only temporarily poor while they are young. Following from this, neither of the correlations between being either on a pension or on a student allowance and voting ALCP in 2020 were statistically significant.

The strongest correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and any income type were with receiving JobSeeker Support and receiving Sole Parent Support. Both were 0.77. This paints a picture of the ALCP as a party for those who feel excluded by society to some extent, the true protest vote in contrast with Greens and ACT.

Supporting this contention are the strong correlations between voting ALCP in 2020 and receiving a Supported Living Payment (0.55) and receiving ACC or private work insurance (0.70). The mentally and physically damaged people in these categories are the ones most likely to have discovered the medicinal properties of cannabis.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
Working as a manager-0.31
Working as a professional-0.48
Working as a technician or trades worker0.21
Working as a community or personal services worker0.57
Working as a clerical or administrative worker-0.36
Working as a sales worker-0.14
Working as a machinery operator or driver0.37
Working as a labourer0.59

When examining the occupations of ALCP voters, some patterns are evident that are the reverse of patterns of people who voted Yes in the cannabis referendum. This goes a long way to explain why there was such a weak correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and voting Yes in the cannabis referendum.

Unlike with voting Yes in the cannabis referendum, the more disenfranchised a demographic is the more likely they were to vote ALCP in 2020. The reasons for this are complex.

Simply put, many disenfranchised General Election voters don’t feel that they have a realistic chance of influencing the election, so they throw their vote to a joke/protest party. On the other hand, voters in the cannabis referendum felt enfranchised, and felt like they did have a realistic chance of influencing the outcome, so they acted more seriously, and voted Yes.

VariableVoting ALCP in 2020
Working in agriculture, forestry or fishing0.26
Working in mining0.20
Working in manufacturing0.27
Working in electricity, gas, water and wastewater services0.25
Working in construction0.36
Working in wholesale trade-0.34
Working in retail trade0.02
Working in accommodation or food services0.02
Working in transport, postal or warehousing0.35
Working in information media or telecommunications-0.37
Working in financial or insurance services-0.45
Working in rental, hiring or real estate services-0.38
Working in professional, scientific or technical services-0.49
Working in administrative or support services0.13
Working in public administration and safety-0.02
Working in education and training-0.06
Working in healthcare or social assistance0.04
Working in arts or recreation services-0.04

As with occupations, a familiar pattern presents itself with industries. The more enfranchised workers in any given industry tend to be, the less likely they tend to vote ALCP.

The industries peopled by those who usually take their lives seriously don’t vote ALCP often. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and industry was significantly negative in the case of working in professional, scientific or technical services (-0.49), financial or insurance services (-0.45), rental, hiring or real estate services (-0.38), information media or telecommunications (-0.37) or wholesale trade (-0.34).

Industries peopled by those who tend to have less ambition, by contrast, show the opposite pattern. The correlation between voting ALCP in 2020 and industry was significantly positive in the case of working in construction (0.36), transport, postal or warehousing (0.35), manufacturing (0.27), agriculture, forestry or fishing (0.26) or electricity, gas, water and wastewater (0.25).

This lays bare the reality of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party: it’s not seen as a serious Parliamentary option, and so mostly attracts votes from protest voters. This is the reason why most demographics vote very differently when it comes to General Elections on the one hand, and cannabis law reform referendums on the other.

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This article is an excerpt from the upcoming 3rd Edition of Understanding New Zealand, by Dan McGlashan and published by VJM Publishing. Understanding New Zealand is the comprehensive guide to the demographics and voting patterns of the New Zealand people.

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If you enjoyed reading this essay/article, you can get a compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2019 from Amazon for Kindle or Amazon for CreateSpace (for international readers), or TradeMe (for Kiwis). A compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2018 and the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2017 are also available.

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Suggestions For Celebrating Matariki

Like Australia, South Africa, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and Brazil, New Zealand has never resolved the fundamental conflict at the heart of our culture. This refers to the fact that we have imported a Northern Hemisphere culture, with its calendar and its seasonal holidays, into the Southern Hemisphere. This has led to some glaring contradictions.

When Christians invaded Europe and destroyed the native European religious traditions, part of their strategy was to impose their culture over the top of those existing traditions. To this end, they took the existing Northern European festival of Yule and replaced it with Christmas.

The celebration of Yule in the Nordic calendar occurred because at that time, three days after the Winter Solstice, it was possible to notice the celestial procession changing direction. Some stars that had appeared to “die” by falling below the horizon now rose again. The days started to become significantly lighter. It was if the gods had chosen to turn their favour upon the people once more.

In Elementalist terms, it means that the society started going up the right-hand side of the Quadrijitu. Yule marks the transition from the Undergoing Will to the Overcoming Will.

Naturally, such an occasion called for great joy. Everyone still alive had survived the darkest part of the winter. They could all look forward to more and more sunlight, every day (for the near future, at least). As a new year was underway, it made sense to take time to make up for old grudges and to renew friendships by gathering in merriment.

This is why Northern Europeans gifted presents at that time, celebrated the return of the light and made up with people in their community. It was one of the most joyous and anticipated events in the calendar. Luciferian scholar Debbie Cartwright believes that a festival at this time has been celebrated since the Neolithic period.

During the Age of Colonisation, settlers from Europe brought their calendar to all their colonies. This worked out fine in America and Canada, where the seasons are similar. But in the colonies of the Southern Hemisphere, the seasons are the opposite to Europe. So December 25th in South Africa, Argentina, Australia, New Zealand etc. fell in the middle of Summer.

There’s nothing necessarily wrong with celebrating the Summer Solstice with beaches, beers, BBQs, cricket and touch rugby and calling it Christmas, but it does mean that there is a big Yule-sized gap in the calendar around the Winter Solstice.

Because none of the Southern Hemisphere countries celebrate the Winter Solstice (for the same reason that none of the Northern Hemisphere countries celebrate the Summer Solstice), there is an empty space where no festivities take place. Matariki, a holiday recently introduced by the Government, fills that gap nicely.

Matariki is otherwise known as the Maori New Year, but in reality it’s the Southern Hemisphere New Year, as it heralds the beginning of a new solar cycle for all of the countries South of the Equator. As such, three days after the Winter Solstice marks the day of the Yule celebrations. In New Zealand this year, three days after the Winter Solstice is 24th June – the same day as Matariki.

The suggestion of this essay, therefore, is that Kiwis ought to treat Matariki as another Yule, except Yule similar to how it is celebrated in the Northern Hemisphere.

In the Northern Hemisphere, the Winter Solstice heralds the coming of the light, and so the people celebrate it with lights. Their homes and neighbourhoods are decorated with lights, representing the Unconquered Sun’s victory over the forces of darkness. They also give each other gifts, whether those others are family, friends, neighbours or workmates, and apologise for past misunderstandings.

In Scandinavia people drink a lot of mulled wine for Yule. This may or may not catch on in New Zealand. What would surely catch on is smoking cannabis for Matariki. Cannabis has already become an established feature of festivities for both Maoris and white Kiwis. A day or evening when we came together to give gifts, smoke weed and celebrate the return of the light would be amazing (I personally will be celebrating Matariki by taking some LSD with my community).

Above all, Kiwis should be aware that, whatever our calendar says, this is the beginning of the life cycle of the solar year. The Sun will get stronger and stronger in the Southern Hemisphere for the next six months, as living creatures do in the first half of their lives. Then, after the Summer Solstice, the Sun will get weaker and weaker for the next six months, as living creatures do in the final half of their lives.

We should therefore celebrate Matariki as we would an auspicious birth.

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If you enjoyed reading this essay/article, you can get a compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles from 2021 from Amazon for Kindle or Amazon for CreateSpace (for international readers), or TradeMe (for Kiwis). A compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2019, the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2018 and the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2017 are also available.

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