Anti-Racism Viewed From The Working Class

Growing up in Nelson last century, I was acutely aware of the class structure of society and my place at the bottom of it. Being the son of a gang member and the nephew of another gang member, and seeing other family members get institutionalised for various feral activities, it was clear to me from an early age that society at large was implacably opposed to my sort of person.

I went to university and started studying history, and reading Marx, and realised that history can be understood as a battle between the moneyed classes and the working classes, and that moneyed people have always used their wealth to extort production out of desperate workers.

Studying developmental psychology, I came to realise that some people join gangs because they’re born into hopeless poverty and can only look forward to a life at the bottom of society, having every dollar of their labour wrung from them in profits, taxes and rents. This supported the class narrative that I had learned from studying history. It seemed that the ruling class really were waging a class war on the lower classes – and winning.

It has been astonishing, then, to see the narrative change over the past two decades. Class narratives have completely fallen out of fashion in favour of race narratives. This has come at great expense to the working class, who have seen their class solidarity destroyed, and at great benefit to the ruling class, who have seen the foundations of their enemies shattered.

The social justice warrior who fought to break down class barriers a generation ago is now an “anti-racist”. Instead of helping poor people overcome the class prejudices that were holding them back, social justice warriors today are obsessed with racial equity. Inevitably, this means lifting up brown or black people, however wealthy, and ignoring white people, however poor.

Today, thanks to the “anti-racist” mindset, a working-class white is considered an oppressor. The working-class element of their identity is no longer considered important. The white element, on the other hand, weighs more heavily than ever. So a person can be born into intergenerational poverty, with crime, trauma and mental illness ever-present in their childhood environment, and still be considered privileged.

Apparently the entire world has been rigged in my favour for centuries, as the Reddit commentator at the top of the page believes. Even though my great-grandfather was used as cannon fodder in World War I, and my grandfather was used as cannon fodder in World War II, and my father was a gang member, all of the intergenerational trauma inherited from that is as nothing because I have white skin.

Apparently the white men who were conscripted into service killing the enemies of the New Zealand ruling classes in World Wars One and Two were, in fact, themselves privileged. The working-class whites who worked long days in brutal conditions as miners (one such family pictured below) were likewise privileged, beneficiaries of a system rigged to benefit them.

Imagine my disgust, as a white working-class person, to encounter narratives like those above.

The truth is that the political Establishment has never, ever been in favour of white people as a whole. It has only ever served the interests of the ruling classes. It only ever will serve the interests of the ruling classes. The white working class has never had a seat at the table, except for one brief window between the formation of Western labour movements and their destruction by identity politics.

But today’s popular narrative is that the white working-class has, in fact, been part of the ruling class all along. If an individual white working-class person or family was still poor, it was because they had failed to take advantage of the opportunities presented to them by structural racism, a force even more powerful than compound interest. They are, therefore, losers and wasters as well as oppressors.

The result of this shift in narrative is that working-class whites no longer have a voice in New Zealand. The New Zealand Labour Party, which had championed the working-class since its inception, has now completely abandoned the white part of it in favour of a “Maori caucus”. National and ACT still represent the rich, and the Greens want to kick the New Zealand working class in the guts by raising the refugee quota.

Because working-class whites don’t have a voice in New Zealand, no-one is explaining our perspective for others to understand. So people usually aren’t aware that we don’t consider ourselves part of the control system or the Establishment. In fact, we are its original enemy. Centuries before the British control system had ever enslaved an African, it had enslaved us.

Many New Zealanders are descended from people who were driven off their land by the Crown in the Highland Clearances. This puts many of us in the same category as the Maoris who were driven off their land by the same Crown. The true, unspeakable narrative is that all elements of the New Zealand working-class are on the same side – and the promotion of “anti-racism” is specifically intended to divide us.

As a working-class white who was raised by a Ngati Porou grandmother, and who has several cousins who have married Maoris and had children with them, it’s impossible for me to look at a working-class Maori and see a racial enemy. In fact, I recognise the true enemy of my kind as those trying to divide us and set us against each other: the globalist alliance of capitalists and Commies known as globohomo.

As a working-class white man, those bleating about the need to fight racism are my enemies, whether they realise it or not. These bleaters – inevitably from comfortable middle-class families – have destroyed the working-class solidarity that had seen us make great progress in the century leading up to neoliberalism.

Anti-racism, like feminism and other attempts to push idenitity politics, are narratives designed to divide and conquer the working class. As such, I reject all of them.

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Why Are Gang Members Platformed While VJM Publishing Is Cancelled?

Those who follow the NZ media scene may have noticed something unexpected: gang members getting platformed while VJM Publishing gets deplatformed. Why would murderers and rapists be given a voice in the mainstream media, while a non-criminal speaker of multiple languages with a postgraduate science degree is denied one? This essay explains.

Most consumers of media assume that the purpose of the mainstream media is to inform the masses. This is incorrect. This belief is naive, almost childish. The reality is that the purpose of the mainstream media is to shape public opinion. To that end, they platform people who help shape the desired narratives and they deplatform people who don’t.

Whose desired narratives? As explained in Clown World Chronicles, the current rulers of the world are known as globohomo, an alliance of international banking and finance interests (on the right) and globalist Commies and cultural Marxists (on the left). The globohomo alliance (a.k.a. the Globohomo Gayplex) wants the same thing as every other tyrannical, authoritarian ruler throughout history: submission.

This explains why gang members, like the Black Power boss pictured above, are platformed in the mainstream media.

As anyone familiar with gang members will know, they almost always prey on vulnerable people. This means the poor, the sick, the elderly or the young. Very seldom do they inconvenience middle-class people and never would they touch a member of the ruling class.

As such, gang members aren’t a threat to the people who own the mainstream media. To the contrary. Gang members spread fear and terror in the communities who would otherwise be most likely to come together to oppose Establishment oppression – the working classes and the disadvantaged. Those very same revolutionary elements that threaten tyrants everywhere are weakened by the presence of criminals.

As Ted Kaczynski said, “[the system] needs people who are docile and obedient and don’t make trouble.” The most effective way to create such a populace is fear. Gangs spread fear more effectively than almost anything, and that fear leads to paralysis in the face of authority. It’s a bitter pill to swallow, but it has to be accepted that gangs are a weapon of the Establishment, and they ultimately do the bidding of the Establishment.

VJM Publishing, by contrast, fights for the vulnerable. Our pages are full of essays and articles that champion the worker, the freethinker and the spiritual sacrament user. We openly state the very last thing things that the Establishment wants to be known: that consciousness survives the death of the physical body and that there’s nothing, fundamentally, to be afraid of.

This makes us an actual threat. The spiritual truths about the nature of reality are the most liberating things of all. Anyone who is truly aware of the immortality of the soul also understands that nothing that the Establishment can threaten us with in this life is truly terrible. Anyone who knows this can laugh off the fear-mongering propaganda that the mainstream media vomits out to keep us submissive.

The fact that we can back up our assertions with facts and evidence makes us a major threat. In fact, VJM Publishing articles are far more likely to reference actual scientific literature than any of the mainstream media. This is because VJM, having earned a postgraduate degree in psychology, actually understands the science, unlike the mainstream media presstitutes who just parrot whatever powerful people say.

Any intelligent and objective person would be more inclined to believe something VJM Publishing wrote than to believe something in the mainstream media. So the very presence of an outfit like VJM Publishing costs the Establishment millions of dollars per year through neutralising their propaganda.

As Josef Goebbels understood, even one single voice counter-signalling mainstream propaganda is enough to make people start asking questions. That’s why authoritarians all throughout history have made sure to control the narrative.

This is why TradeMe was hounded by far-left extremists into refusing to sell Clown World Chronicles on the grounds that it’s racist (while continuing to sell Mein Kampf). Clown World Chronicles is the most accurate criticism of the Western political Establishment ever written by a New Zealander, and that simply could not be permitted by that Establishment and their Antifa lackies.

In summary, gang members are platformed because they spread fear, mistrust, suspicion, hysteria and division, all of which serve the interests of those who own the mainstream media platforms. VJM Publishing’s message of good news, by contrast, directly opposes those interests. As such, we must remain underground while murderers and rapists are given centre stage.

If you enjoyed reading this essay/article, you can get a compilation of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles from 2021 from Amazon for Kindle or Amazon for CreateSpace (for international readers), or TradeMe (for Kiwis). Compilations of the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2020, the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2019, the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2018 and the Best VJMP Essays and Articles of 2017 are also available.

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Understanding Nationalism vs. Globalism Is The Key To Understanding The Political Landscape of 2022

Mainstream political commentators, most of them wingcucks, are having extreme difficulty understanding the global politics of 2022. The common reaction to the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats and the Brothers of Italy is to shriek about far-right-wing extremism. But this is not an accurate way of understanding the phenomena at play.

The truth is that anyone still thinking in terms of left vs. right has a grossly flawed understanding of the political landscape. The relevant political axis in 2022 is globalist vs. nationalist. Only those who think in terms of globalist vs. nationalist can understand the patterns shifting through the mass political consciousness right now.

The only reason why anti-immigration sentiments are considered “far-right” is because Communists were on the winning side of World War II, and assumed control of the Western media shortly afterwards. Because they won, their enemies had to be dismissed as extremists, and because they were left, their enemies had to be dismissed as right. As such, nationalism became incorrectly conflated with the far-right.

This is why, in recent years, we’ve been spun a narrative of the pro-immigration left and the anti-immigration right.

In reality, the right is more than happy to support the mass immigration of cheap labour. Incoming British Prime Minister, Conservative Leader Liz Truss, has promised to open the immigration floodgates, with today’s “Conservative” logic apparently reduced to a simple equation: migration = growth.

So if the conservative right wing is in favour of the mass immigration of cheap labour, on account of that it pushes rents up and wages down and thereby makes the rich richer and the poor poorer, then the left wing must be against the mass immigration of cheap labour. Right?

Wrong. Apparently the left wing is also in favour of the mass immigration of cheap labour, as is the far-left. And so, by some twisted logic, opposing the mass immigration of cheap labour is far-right.

Moreover, the globalist religious elements of the right wing also want mass Third World immigration. For many Christian fundamentalists, borders and national sentiments are an impediment to God’s command that all are one in Rabbi Yeshua. To that end, they’re happy to import as many non-whites as possible, reasoning that the blending of the nations will hasten Rabbi Yeshua’s return.

If far-right corporate interests want mass Third World immigration, and if far-right religious interests want mass Third World immigration, then it does not make any sense to say that opposing mass Third World immigration is a far-right position. If far-right nationalist interests oppose it, then the relevant aspect is the nationalist one.

When it comes to immigration and labour rights, it’s time to forget left vs. right. Adherence to neither left nor right has much predictive value in this matter. The only logical approach to such questions is to think in terms of nationalist vs. globalist.

The nationalist approach to immigration is that it must serve the interests of the nation. This is not inherently an anti-immigration attitude. It means that immigration from low-IQ countries must be forbidden. Those immigrants tend to produce low-IQ offspring who cannot meet the cognitive demands of Western societies, and who end up becoming net drains on their host societies.

A reasonable nationalist would not necessarily disagree with immigration from high-IQ countries, unless it was of sufficient volume to disrupt social cohesion. Most nationalists make a clear distinction between ‘compatible’ and ‘incompatible’ cultures when it comes to immigration, but one thing is always agreed upon – immigration of low-IQ people from incompatible cultures has to stop.

The globalist approach to immigration, by contrast, is the more the merrier. Every extra labour unit pushes up house prices by increasing demand for housing, and pushes down wages by increasing the supply of labour. In other words: the more immigration, the more the rich get richer and the more the poor get poorer.

Globalist logic is that it doesn’t matter if the native working classes earn enough money to own homes and raise families. The most important thing is the profits of the international banking and finance interests, and these profits are maximised by maximum immigration. Any disruption this might cause to the ordinary lives of working-class people is not considered important.

This globalist arrogance has led to nationalist sentiments, not right-wing sentiments, rising all around the Western World.

It’s important to note that the globalist far-right is not rising much, if at all. The ACT Party is doing reasonably well in New Zealand, polling at about 10%. But this has less to do with the rise of the far-right and more to do with the lack of confidence in the mainstream conservative National Party.

Few of the young men who are flooding into the alternative right (to which ACT belongs) are agitating for more cheap labour or greater corporate control, much less for medieval-style theocracy. As such, their sentiments are best understood as the masculine expression of a nationalist mentality. That masculinity is associated with the right is secondary; nationalist interests are primary.

The electoral success of Giorgia Meloni’s party demonstrates that a feminine expression of nationalism is now rising to join the masculine expression. With both masculine and feminine aspects of nationalism rising, the return of nationalism to the main stage is inevitable. Understanding today’s political reality requires that one think in terms appropriate to these developments. The future is nationalist vs. globalist.

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Valuation

There has always been much discussion around the appropriate legal status of things. Just a couple of years ago, New Zealand had a referendum on the subject of repealing cannabis prohibition, and the crudeness of the processs angered many. This essay suggests a more sophisticated approach.

The system suggested in this essay assigns all goods, services and non-economic actions into one of five categories of permission: prohibited, discouraged, indifferent, encouraged and mandatory. The legal status of any good, service or non-economic action falls into one of these five categories, and can be shifted up or down the spectrum of permission as the situation demands. This system has the advantage of solving many of the problems with existing valuation systems.

Most common valuation errors come from assigning something to the wrong category of permission.

Cannabis prohibition is an obvious example of this (as was alcohol prohibition). Because of misinformation about its medicinal value, cannabis was prohibited all over the Western World. As more accurate information came to light, cannabis has been shifted into the ‘Discouraged’ category in most places, where it sits alongside alcohol and tobacco.

Alcohol and tobacco were once in the ‘Encouraged’ category, but as medicinal information about their harmful long-term effects became widely understood, they have gradually been moved into the ‘Discouraged’ category. To some extent, cannabis itself is further up the spectrum of permission than both alcohol and tobacco, as there are now hundreds of varieties of medicinal cannabis, whether THC-based, CBD-based or otherwise.

Other common failures of accurate valuation stem from overcorrections of previous errors.

For instance, just because something that was prohibited is no longer prohibited, does not mean that it must become encouraged or mandatory. Homosexuality was prohibited up until 1986 in New Zealand, and since then, through the ceaseless encroachment of pride fashion into every aspect of life, it has gradually progressed to becoming officially encouraged.

The danger with this is apparent to everyone who understands the extent to which morality follows the whims of fashion. The official encouragement of homosexuality disgusts a large number of people, who now want to see it banned again. So there exists an ever-present danger of overcorrecting. As the Kybalion states: the measure of the swing to the right is the measure of the swing to the left.

Another class of failures of the current valuation system stem from incorrect subgroupings of the population.

For example, hippies in Nelson should not lose their rights to grow cannabis just because god-botherers in South Auckland believe it causes demonic possession. There’s no reason why a country with the diversity of New Zealand needs to have uniform laws from Cape Reinga to Bluff. But all of New Zealand is currently legally administered as a single unitary zone.

To give another example, the South Island is much less diverse than the North Island, and as such has a much higher degree of kinship intensity. This may mean that wealthy South Islanders are less resistant to paying taxes than wealthy North Islanders. It could be argued therefore that overall tax rates should perhaps be slightly higher in the South Island, and a commensurately greater investment made in education and health.

A future system of valuation might look like the following.

All final decisions about national matters would be made by the National Valuator, who would otherwise be known as the Valuator-General. This person may or may not have a council of advisors, and these advisors may be elected or appointed.

The Valuator-General would have the final say on all national matters, i.e. those issues which impact the entire nation, such as defence, foreign affairs and immigration.

Underneath the national level would be a regional level akin to what existed during New Zealand’s Provincial Parliament era. Here the system is replicated, fractal-like, from the national level above to the regional level below.

As such, the final say on all regional decisions would be made by the Regional Valuator. If the region was Canterbury, this person would be known as the Canterbury Valuator.

Regional decisions would relate to all the moral issues that are not matters of national security. The legal status of drugs, homosexuality, abortion etc. would all be set by the Regional Valuator, who could move them up or down the spectrum of permission as needed. Such moves would perhaps come after a vote by the Regional Council or a referendum of local residents.

This regionalisation of permission is a solution to the crudeness of the current centralised approach. The diversity of the various regions of the New Zealand nation would be enabled to express itself through a diversity of legal approaches to various moral issues.

Certain issues, like taxation, would be both national and regional. Such a split already exists in America and Sweden. The national government would levy a uniform national tax, and each regional government would levy a regional tax that would vary. This way, each region can pay and receive the most appropriate level of funding.

Underneath the regional level would be a ward level, which would be another step of the fractal: from nation down to region down to ward. This would be similar to what already exists with city and town councils. At this level, issues of minor importance would be decided.

The Ward Valuator would make local decisions such as speed limits on certain streets, noise injunctions, what trees and flowers are planted on public property in the area, where to place monuments and paint murals, alcohol and drug licencing, etc.

This tripartite division of the responsibilities of government should allow for greater sophistication when it comes to passing laws impacting the cultural needs of the local populations. It would make it much easier for a government to, in the spirit of the American Founding Fathers, return power to the people through regional and ward councils.

Whether the various Valuators and their advisors are elected by the populace, appointed by a superior (such as a king), or chosen by sortition is a matter for another essay.

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