Chapter Ten in Free Speech Under Attack is ‘China’s Sinister Influence’ by Robert Stanmore. In this essay, Stanmore describes the Chinese influence on free speech suppression in Australia and New Zealand. China is even worse than Islam, in Stanmore’s estimation. China has the money to buy off the Western free press. It has already bought the New Zealand National Party.
Stanmore recounts how China uses their network of Confucius Institutes to influence university culture in China’s favour. They also use a scheme called the Confucius Classroom Program to bring propaganda to primary and secondary students. New Zealand is in a dangerous situation because both National and Labour are beholden to China, although National more so.
Chapter Eleven is ‘”De-platforming” speakers’ by Tim Wikiriwhi. He defines deplatforming as when a speaker is prevented from using a platform because those in authority don’t want to let that speaker expound their views. Wikiriwhi recounts how Bruce Moon, Stefan Molyneux and Lauren Southern were deplatformed by authoritarian leftists afraid of criticism of their immigration policy.
Wikiriwhi quite rightly points out that censorship achieves little but introduce darkness and ignorance to a political discussion. He also, quite rightly, draws attention to the immense scale of Muslim rape gangs in the Western World, an issue that should be discussed. The essay ends with an appeal to the fundamental value of free speech and how governments should not interfere with what the people say or hear.
Chapter Twelve is ‘The Thug’s Veto’ by Peter Cresswell. This is easily the shortest essay in this book, at only four pages. Cresswell defines the Thug’s Veto as when people use the threat of violence or chaos to get an event they disapprove of shut down. This is a small part of what is more generally known as cancel culture.
Cresswell here points out that laws against “hate speech” are tantamount to laws against criticising evil. Moreover, it’s apparent from the beginning that such laws will not be applied evenly. Left-wingers will escape censure for levels of hate that right-wingers will be hammered for. Those pushing for hate speech laws are fighting for irrationality, and are against reason.
The inferiority complex is not only a surface social phenomenon but, in Clown World, it is also one of the underlying causes of all such phenomena. It is arguably one of the structural elements. Because of its ubiquity, understanding Clown World requires that one first understand the inferiority complex.
The term is usually associated with the psychology of Alfred Adler. His belief was that repeated and prolonged feelings of inferiority could lead to a form of neurosis. This neurosis could find expression in attempts to bring down or humiliate people who the person with the inferiority complex perceived to be better than them. The term complex derived from the complex structure of attitudes and behaviours that were based around this feeling of inferiority.
Ordinarily, an inferiority complex is not a big deal. Some people are genuinely inferior and so it’s entirely natural that they have a complex. Those who have incorrectly developed an inferiority complex can usually be persuaded out of it by learning a skill that allows them to feel a sense of mastery and competence.
In some people, however, an inferiority complex can become deeply ingrained, to the point where it becomes a fundamental part of their personality. People like this can behave in odd ways, both individually and as a collective. They can behave in ways that healthy people never will. Since inferiority complexes are becoming more common, the adverse behaviour caused by them is also becoming more common.
Because Clown World is so fucked up, it no longer consistently rewards prosocial behaviours and no longer consistently punishes antisocial behaviours. People who take care of their own kin are reviled as racists, while criminals who beat children to death are given sympathetic hearings. Possibly the worst result is that inferiority complexes are now found among better-than-average people, as well as among the inferior ones.
The most characteristic expression of a inferiority complex is compensating for feeling of inferiority by acting superior. A weakling swaggers, a mediocre intellect puts on airs, a short man demands that everyone else respect him. Any mediocre person who acts as if they are a great talent probably has an inferiority complex.
The other most characteristic expression is actively trying to rip down people with a healthy level of self-esteem. People with inferiority complexes love few things more than gossiping about how some normal person is secretly a sexual deviant, drug addict, grossly unhappy etc. Their speech is full of snide and sneering sarcasm. They find it humiliating to give a worthy person their due, so they belittle instead.
An inferiority complex is similar to what is known as “a chip on the shoulder”. A person with one tends to believe that the world owes them something. This belief is grounded in a sense of having been short-changed somehow, either genetically or with regards to one’s birth station.
This sense of being ripped off by life is similar to what Nietzsche called “resentment”. One resents the fact that one is inferior, and so both bigs oneself up and puts others down. This resentment is the basis of the slave morality that Nietzsche so resoundingly criticised. The inferiority complex inspires a slave mindset.
Inferiority complexes are often the cause of bullying, in many contexts. A normal person doesn’t get much gratification out of bullying other people. In fact, they generally find it unpleasant. A person with an inferiority complex, however, gets a powerful sense of relief from humiliating another person. It gratifies them to see other people brought down to their level.
Many people have inferiority complexes from early childhood schooling. The realisation that one isn’t anything special comes as a great shock to many people, especially coming so soon after the egocentricism of toddlerhood. For some, being judged to be in the middle of the pack comes as a crushing blow to the ego, especially if their parents had high hopes for them.
If a person doesn’t get an inferiority complex from school or from work, they are liable to get one from leisure. Mass media made inferiority complexes normal, by broadcasting into every home an endless stream of people better looking, funnier, smarter, stronger and more talented in every way than the average viewer. Everyone’s girlfriend suddenly appeared less pretty, everyone’s boyfriend less charming.
Inferiority complexes were problematic but manageable until Clown World started. At this point, they cause immense suffering. The most acute are those caused by intellectual inferiority complexes. Thanks to widespread Internet access, it’s now possible to talk to someone smarter than you at any time. This wasn’t always the case.
In Clown World, the intellectually inferior like to compensate with grandiose scheming about reordering the entire world. The most popular pastime is coming up with ways to structure society which would meet the political fashions of the day, or which would satisfy the intellectual vanities of the schemer. An intellectual inferiority complex almost always comes with a sense of moral superiority.
The total effect of inferiority complexes on Clown World is vast. Not only are they the cause of many phenomena, but they also hinder a solution. Because so many people have inferiority complexes today, any true leader great enough to lead us out of Clown World is torn down by the intrigue of the envious before they can make a difference. It can be seen that our problems are self-perpetuating, for fundamental psychological reasons.
This article is an excerpt from Clown World Chronicles, a book about the insanity of life in the post-Industrial West. This is being compiled by Vince McLeod for an expected release in the middle of 2020.
Some have been mystified as to why Jacinda Ardern won’t come out and support cannabis law reform. It seems like an obvious move considering that cannabis supporters and Labour supporters overlap to a great deal. But there are now a large number of Labour supporters who are not cannabis supporters. This essay explains Ardern’s calculus.
Ardern knows that the white religious vote is lost to her party – they will fall in behind National no matter what. The brown non-religious vote is mostly Maori, and will fall in behind Labour no matter what. The white non-religious vote is the bulk of the population and where every election is contested. The brown religious vote is currently Labour on account of being brown, but is at great risk of switching to National on account of being religious.
Labour’s long-term strategy involves getting the brown religious vote behind them permanently. As such, they are vulnerable to getting outflanked by National on social issues like cannabis prohibition.
There are two main reasons why Ardern is reluctant to publicly support cannabis law reform, and both of those reasons are brown religious bigots.
The first group of brown religious bigots are the Christians. Usually Polynesian, they are against cannabis because their pastor told them to be. Their pastor is afraid of anyone learning to think for themselves, and therefore opposes cannabis on the grounds that it might wake people up, leading them away from the church. So the pastor tells his flock that cannabis users are filthy drug abusers in need of punishment.
Dan McGlashan showed in Understanding New Zealand that there was no correlation between being a Pacific Islander and voting for the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party in 2017. There was, however, a significant positive correlation between being a Pacific Islander and being a Christian (0.46), and a significant negative correlation between being a Christian and voting ALCP in 2017 (-0.37).
Christians comprise the bulk of the anti-cannabis forces in New Zealand, as is also shown by the tight links between Christian groups and anti-cannabis groups. These hints reveal the presence of a large, brown, Christian, anti-cannabis vote that is currently supporting Labour, but which is tempted to change support to National because of religious sentiments.
The National Party has targeted the wealthier Pacific Islanders who are tempted to feel that supporting National is a sign of having made it in the world. So far, these Pacific Islanders have been reluctant to change allegiance, but Ardern could tip them over the edge by coming out in support of cannabis law reform. This could make the more religious of them decide that Labour is a party of bad morals.
The second group of brown religious bigots are the Muslims.
In Britain, the Muslim vote has shown itself to be overwhelmingly loyal to Labour. 85% of British Muslims voted for the Labour Party in 2017, compared to 11% who supported the Conservatives. Those 11% are usually unhappy with the Labour Party because they perceive it as morally degenerate.
Ardern has known, ever since her apprenticeship under war criminal Tony Blair, that Muslims can be relied upon to vote for left-wing parties. This is why the New Zealand Labour Party has put so much effort into accommodating Islam. They know that the plan is for the Muslim population of New Zealand to increase many times, and they want to secure that voting bloc now.
The conflict arises from the fact that Muslims generally consider cannabis users to be degenerate scum who should be destroyed.
Muslims, in general, don’t feel any obligation to return the kindness we have shown to them by letting them into New Zealand – they’re happy to campaign to have us locked up for offending their morals. This is why the New Zealand Muslim Association logo is proudly displayed on the About Us section of the Say Nope To Dope hate campaign, and why there was a significant negative correlation between being Muslim and voting for the ALCP in 2017.
The centre-left already has a hard time keeping Muslims underneath their umbrella, where they have to share space with the LGBTQ+ brigade. Already, the main thing keeping Muslims voting for Labour is that fact that Labour is seen as the brown person’s party. If Ardern would come out in support of cannabis law reform, she’d risk losing a significant proportion of those voters to the National Party.
Taken together, Pacific Islander and Muslim voters comprise as much as a fifth of the Labour Party voter base, and this proportion will be higher in the future. Jacinda Ardern knows that she risks losing these demographics to National if they start to think of her as morally degenerate. She is already pressured on that flank by Labour’s whole-hearted support of homosexuality. So cannabis users have to go under the bus.
Chapter Seven in Free Speech Under Attack is ‘Banning a Political Pamphlet’ by Tim Wikiriwhi. This is a polemic against Andrew Little’s efforts to introduce hate speech legislation and to ban the 1Law4All pamphlet about the Treaty of Waitangi. Here, Wikiriwhi – himself Maori – supports the sentiments of the pamphlet by agreeing that the British settlement of New Zealand was a net positive for the Maori people.
This essay is quality in its invective, describing Peter Dunne as an “obsolete politician” and making use of the adjective “ham-fisted”. It demolishes the social justice warrior case that British colonisation lowered the quality of life in New Zealand, and makes an impassioned case for the value of free speech. The SJWs won’t be able to scream “Racist!” at Wikiriwhi, so they will likely ignore him.
The Treaty of Waitangi and British colonisation, bringing the advantages and restraints of civilised government to New Zealand for the first time, were the best things that ever happened to New Zealand and the Maoris benefitted enormously from them.
Chapter Eight is ‘Islam and Free Speech’ by Robert Stanmore. This essay discusses the various measures taken by Muslims to shut down free speech in the guise of preventing blasphemy. Stanmore recounts Muslim attacks against free speech in several Western nations, whether by using violence, intimidation or the law. He (correctly) points out that the Koran encourages Muslims to kill non-believers.
Stanmore encourages us here to learn from the example of Britain and Canada, where Muslims are numerous enough to influence the law by threat. In the vast majority of cases, Muslim immigrants show no sign of willingness to conform to the expectations of their host nations, and show every sign of willingness to force their hosts to conform. This is a danger we should be extremely wary of.
Chapter Nine continues in a similar vein. This short chapter is called ‘The Fraud of Islamophobia’. Here, Stanmore recounts the multiple admonitions to violence found in the Koran, and how Muslims are reluctant to reject these verses. Disappointingly, he ignores the violence inherent in the Bible, and the murderous way that Christianity itself has spread.
Stanmore even makes the laughable assertion that Christianity is inherently a peaceful religion akin to Buddhism or Hinduism. Despite these errors, he is able to list a number of scriptural horrors within the Koran that suggest Islam is not compatible with a modern Western way of life. A “religious hatred” law is unacceptable.